Burundi is emerging from more than a decade of civil war. And as a way to demonstrate that the country's devastated economy is on the rebound, business and government leaders held a regional trade, arts and culture festival last weekend in the capital Bujumbura. VOA'S Paul Ndiho reports.
Friday, August 28, 2009
Wednesday, August 19, 2009
Opposition leaders arrested after protests in Ugandan capital
Ugandan police arrested several youth leaders from the oppposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) in the capital Kampala yesterday (August 18). The eight protestors were part of a larger demonstration by FDC supporters over the re-appointment of the internationally discredited electrol commission that oversaw the 2006 election which did not measure up to international standards.
FDC youth had intended to march to Uganda's Parliament to deliver a petition against the appointments but were blocked by police.
The electoral commission has already been endorsed by Uganda's parliament. Critics accuse Museveni, a former rebel leader, who has ruled Uganda since 1986, of trying to be president-for-life after parliament scrapped term restrictions. The ruling party is rumoured in local political and media circles to be seeking an end to Uganda's presidential age limit of 75.
FDC youth had intended to march to Uganda's Parliament to deliver a petition against the appointments but were blocked by police.
The electoral commission has already been endorsed by Uganda's parliament. Critics accuse Museveni, a former rebel leader, who has ruled Uganda since 1986, of trying to be president-for-life after parliament scrapped term restrictions. The ruling party is rumoured in local political and media circles to be seeking an end to Uganda's presidential age limit of 75.
Thursday, August 13, 2009
Fest Africa 09
Baltimore, Maryland came alive with the sights and sounds of Africa at the annual "FestAfrica '09." The festival showcased African arts and culture. VOA's Paul Ndiho was there and has more.
Friday, August 7, 2009
KENYA-RENEWABLE ENERGY
As energy demands and fuel prices increase, many African countries are turning to renewable energy to meet their energy needs. VOA's Paul Ndiho has more
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
Strongmen or Strong Institutions: Which Way for Africa?
Strongmen or Strong Institutions: Which Way for Africa?
Those are my catch words from president Barack Obama's stunning speech in Ghana although he dwelt on many issues reminiscent to Africa's endemic and systemic problems. Unlike other past American presidents, Obama seems determined to face the reality by giving African potentates a bitter pill to swallow.
Before becoming US president, many African strongmen such as Paul Kagame (Rwanda), Yoweri Museveni (Uganda) Meles Zenawi (Ethiopia) and Teodoro Obiang Ngwema (Equatorial Guinea) were darlings of the US, thanks to enhancing the exploitation of Africa's resources. Things seem to have taken a new turn with Obama’s promise of change. His ‘Yes We Can’ slogan seems to have started working. Yes. Africa can be a good and prosperous place without thieving dictators at the helm. Yes. We can kick dictators out of Africa's political landscape.
"No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers," Obama says. He speaks as if he lives in our streets where the police force protect and promote crime. He speaks as if he lives in our state houses where thieves-in-chief steal public money.
Tanzania, my own country, is the fifth giant when it comes to mineral abundance but interestingly, the country is fifth on the tail as far as poverty worldwide is concerned. Small countries with fewer resources like Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda outshine Tanzania.
“Development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa's potential," Obama adds. Many African mumbo jumbos cannot like this. It is like carpet-bombing them. They have always preached rule of law and good governance even when they govern tyrannically.
Telling African chronic thieves to stop stealing by their volition is as good as telling the monkey to stop stealing maize. What needs to be done is to categorize crimes involving rulers and their cronies stealing from public coffers as crime against humanity. Most Africans lose their lives to corruption than wars. Genocide in Rwanda claimed over 800,000 lives. In Darfur, it has claimed over 200,000. Malaria, that is curable shall our rulers stop stealing from the public, is killing many more people than all genocides put together.
An April 2009 report by the World Health Organization (WHO) says that malaria is responsible for 30% of childhood mortality and 11% maternal mortality in Nigeria. In Zambia, the figure stands at 66%. Malaria kills more than a million people worldwide each year—90 percent of them in Africa; 70 percent being children under the age of five.
Being the 12th producer of oil on earth, one would think Nigeria's economy and people would look like it. Alas! Its rulers and their whiz kids are super rich whilst the hoi polloi live in abject poverty. What's this if it is not crime against humanity?
The president of America is the most powerful and influential person on earth currently. So too, is his non-bendable writ -if he stands for it. We saw it in Iraq despite all blunders. Obama's regime brought Swiss banks and others to their knees thanks to sheathing tax evaders and thieves in power. Soon they'll be duty-bound to open their books. The time of criminal secrecy is over thanks to Obama's new take on them. Suppose Obama stands for making theft of public moneys by rulers a crime against humanity? Truly, this will add up. The ICC should be vested with powers to indict anybody that commits this crime. This way, Africa will forge ahead. Her resources will benefit citizens suffering in the hands of its all time thieving regimes.
Many analysts, nonetheless, blamed Obama for not coming to Africa with money or promises of dishing money out. Giving money knowing it'll be embezzled has nary become a solution to our problems but a problem in itself. Obama's new approach is a reminder that Mr. Moneybag America is no more. Why did Asian tigers manage to blast off from poverty whilst Africa is still sinking even more? Good-and-responsible governance is the only vehicle behind.
To jump-start Africa's economy, among others, rule of law and good governance based on accountability and democracy must be emphasized. African people are ready to bring their development. The only barrier they encounter is nothing but corrupt and irresponsible regimes supported by west.
Africans have fed thieving and begging corrupt regimes for long. Transparency International says, "The combination of abundant natural resources, a history of autocratic and unaccountable government, as well as conflict and crisis throughout the continent have posed particular challenges to governance and the fight against corruption in Africa to the point that several countries have become virtually synonymous with graft."
TI adds that the development challenges faced by sub-Saharan Africa are enormous: It is the only region of the world where poverty has increased in the past 25 years and half of the continent’s population of 840 million people lives on less than 1 USD per day. Thirty-two of the world’s 38 highly indebted poor countries (HIPC) are in Africa. In addition to corruption, protracted armed conflict, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and declining terms of trade for non-mineral primary products continue to exacerbate the many challenges facing the region.
To know how perilous the situation is in Africa, think of Sani Abacha;s $ 550 million fortune. Remember other thieves such as Mobutu Seseseko, Felix Houphet Boigny, Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi, Fredrick Chiluba, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Denis Sassou Ngweso, Teodor Obiang Ngwema, Omar Bongo,Charles Taylor and others. How much did they rob from their countries?
Some analysts agree that the amount of money robbed by ruling thieves in Africa is even bigger than all foreign aids put together. Recently I hollered about current scandals in Tanzania alleged to have been perpetrated by the current and former regimes. Over $ 1,000,000,000 is believe to have been stolen by Tanzania's rulers. To get away with it, they instituted fake charges against a few sacrificial officers so as to win people's confidence. Recently, Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba CUF chair, linked president Jakaya Kikwete with External Payment arrears account that sank over $ 200,000,000 and Richmond scams. The president did not comment on or deny these damning accusations.
Many African rulers, apart stealing and stashing money abroad, steal in order to bribe voters and buy loyalty from military and other influential figures. So to fell this malady, democratic institution especially opposition must be fully supported without forgetting financing civil education to the general public. This way, we'll be able to break the back of graft.
Astonishingly, Tanzania's pro-government media still have the guts of reporting that Obama praised Kikwete for taking on graft whilst he is himself the custodian of it! Sadly, even the American embassy in Dar es salaam does not repudiate such naked lies that show Obama as a double standard person or ignorant! What arrogant and corrupt pro-media is doing in Tanzania is telling their readership lies. In Africa, Obama only praised praised Ghana.
Africa needs strong institutions manned and headed by people of probity, responsible and accountable to the people. To enhance this, Africa’s constitutions need to be amended or re-enacted. The current ones shamelessly and expressly provide for much discretionary power that strongmen use to rob the hoi polloi. Almost all African potentates and their families are above the law.
Something needs to be done urgently to do away with this anathema. Those that have already ruined their countries should be held accountable. Truly Africa does not need strongmen but strong institutions.
By Nkwazi Mhango
Mhango is a Tanzanian living in Canada. He is a Journalist, Teacher, Human Rights activist and member of the Writers' Association of New Foundland and Labrador (WANL)
Those are my catch words from president Barack Obama's stunning speech in Ghana although he dwelt on many issues reminiscent to Africa's endemic and systemic problems. Unlike other past American presidents, Obama seems determined to face the reality by giving African potentates a bitter pill to swallow.
Before becoming US president, many African strongmen such as Paul Kagame (Rwanda), Yoweri Museveni (Uganda) Meles Zenawi (Ethiopia) and Teodoro Obiang Ngwema (Equatorial Guinea) were darlings of the US, thanks to enhancing the exploitation of Africa's resources. Things seem to have taken a new turn with Obama’s promise of change. His ‘Yes We Can’ slogan seems to have started working. Yes. Africa can be a good and prosperous place without thieving dictators at the helm. Yes. We can kick dictators out of Africa's political landscape.
"No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers," Obama says. He speaks as if he lives in our streets where the police force protect and promote crime. He speaks as if he lives in our state houses where thieves-in-chief steal public money.
Tanzania, my own country, is the fifth giant when it comes to mineral abundance but interestingly, the country is fifth on the tail as far as poverty worldwide is concerned. Small countries with fewer resources like Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda outshine Tanzania.
“Development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa's potential," Obama adds. Many African mumbo jumbos cannot like this. It is like carpet-bombing them. They have always preached rule of law and good governance even when they govern tyrannically.
Telling African chronic thieves to stop stealing by their volition is as good as telling the monkey to stop stealing maize. What needs to be done is to categorize crimes involving rulers and their cronies stealing from public coffers as crime against humanity. Most Africans lose their lives to corruption than wars. Genocide in Rwanda claimed over 800,000 lives. In Darfur, it has claimed over 200,000. Malaria, that is curable shall our rulers stop stealing from the public, is killing many more people than all genocides put together.
An April 2009 report by the World Health Organization (WHO) says that malaria is responsible for 30% of childhood mortality and 11% maternal mortality in Nigeria. In Zambia, the figure stands at 66%. Malaria kills more than a million people worldwide each year—90 percent of them in Africa; 70 percent being children under the age of five.
Being the 12th producer of oil on earth, one would think Nigeria's economy and people would look like it. Alas! Its rulers and their whiz kids are super rich whilst the hoi polloi live in abject poverty. What's this if it is not crime against humanity?
The president of America is the most powerful and influential person on earth currently. So too, is his non-bendable writ -if he stands for it. We saw it in Iraq despite all blunders. Obama's regime brought Swiss banks and others to their knees thanks to sheathing tax evaders and thieves in power. Soon they'll be duty-bound to open their books. The time of criminal secrecy is over thanks to Obama's new take on them. Suppose Obama stands for making theft of public moneys by rulers a crime against humanity? Truly, this will add up. The ICC should be vested with powers to indict anybody that commits this crime. This way, Africa will forge ahead. Her resources will benefit citizens suffering in the hands of its all time thieving regimes.
Many analysts, nonetheless, blamed Obama for not coming to Africa with money or promises of dishing money out. Giving money knowing it'll be embezzled has nary become a solution to our problems but a problem in itself. Obama's new approach is a reminder that Mr. Moneybag America is no more. Why did Asian tigers manage to blast off from poverty whilst Africa is still sinking even more? Good-and-responsible governance is the only vehicle behind.
To jump-start Africa's economy, among others, rule of law and good governance based on accountability and democracy must be emphasized. African people are ready to bring their development. The only barrier they encounter is nothing but corrupt and irresponsible regimes supported by west.
Africans have fed thieving and begging corrupt regimes for long. Transparency International says, "The combination of abundant natural resources, a history of autocratic and unaccountable government, as well as conflict and crisis throughout the continent have posed particular challenges to governance and the fight against corruption in Africa to the point that several countries have become virtually synonymous with graft."
TI adds that the development challenges faced by sub-Saharan Africa are enormous: It is the only region of the world where poverty has increased in the past 25 years and half of the continent’s population of 840 million people lives on less than 1 USD per day. Thirty-two of the world’s 38 highly indebted poor countries (HIPC) are in Africa. In addition to corruption, protracted armed conflict, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and declining terms of trade for non-mineral primary products continue to exacerbate the many challenges facing the region.
To know how perilous the situation is in Africa, think of Sani Abacha;s $ 550 million fortune. Remember other thieves such as Mobutu Seseseko, Felix Houphet Boigny, Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi, Fredrick Chiluba, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Denis Sassou Ngweso, Teodor Obiang Ngwema, Omar Bongo,Charles Taylor and others. How much did they rob from their countries?
Some analysts agree that the amount of money robbed by ruling thieves in Africa is even bigger than all foreign aids put together. Recently I hollered about current scandals in Tanzania alleged to have been perpetrated by the current and former regimes. Over $ 1,000,000,000 is believe to have been stolen by Tanzania's rulers. To get away with it, they instituted fake charges against a few sacrificial officers so as to win people's confidence. Recently, Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba CUF chair, linked president Jakaya Kikwete with External Payment arrears account that sank over $ 200,000,000 and Richmond scams. The president did not comment on or deny these damning accusations.
Many African rulers, apart stealing and stashing money abroad, steal in order to bribe voters and buy loyalty from military and other influential figures. So to fell this malady, democratic institution especially opposition must be fully supported without forgetting financing civil education to the general public. This way, we'll be able to break the back of graft.
Astonishingly, Tanzania's pro-government media still have the guts of reporting that Obama praised Kikwete for taking on graft whilst he is himself the custodian of it! Sadly, even the American embassy in Dar es salaam does not repudiate such naked lies that show Obama as a double standard person or ignorant! What arrogant and corrupt pro-media is doing in Tanzania is telling their readership lies. In Africa, Obama only praised praised Ghana.
Africa needs strong institutions manned and headed by people of probity, responsible and accountable to the people. To enhance this, Africa’s constitutions need to be amended or re-enacted. The current ones shamelessly and expressly provide for much discretionary power that strongmen use to rob the hoi polloi. Almost all African potentates and their families are above the law.
Something needs to be done urgently to do away with this anathema. Those that have already ruined their countries should be held accountable. Truly Africa does not need strongmen but strong institutions.
By Nkwazi Mhango
Mhango is a Tanzanian living in Canada. He is a Journalist, Teacher, Human Rights activist and member of the Writers' Association of New Foundland and Labrador (WANL)
Monday, August 3, 2009
Abused Children in E. Africa
In some African countries children face abuse and exploitation. In East Africa, gender has become a factor as well. Women and young girls reportedly are bearing the brunt of a horrible weapon --sexual abuse. VOA's Paul Ndiho reports on a new documenary that is trying to give these victims a voice.
Monday, July 27, 2009
Somalia Food Aid Distribution
Aid agencies in somalia are struggling to reach people who have fled ongoing fighting between somali government troops and militants in mogadishu. voa's paul ndiho has more .
Wednesday, July 22, 2009
Sudan welcomes oil border ruling
An international court in The Hague has redrawn the borders of Sudan’s oil-rich Abyei region, which has been at the center of intense friction between the country's north and south.
The permanent court of arbitration on Wednesday moved the region's northern, eastern and western boundaries inward, shrinking the size of the territory.
Both Sudan’s northern-based government and the semi-autonomous south say they believe the court's decision is fair. Both sides had claimed the Abyei region and its oil wealth. The Abyei region boundaries had been drawn under at 2005 peace deal that ended Sudan’s 21-year north-south civil war. Under the 2005 deal, most of the oil resources were located within southern Sudan. The U.N.'s special representative to Sudan, Ashraf Qazi, recently visited Abyei and met with officials from both parties. Paul Ndiho has more.
The permanent court of arbitration on Wednesday moved the region's northern, eastern and western boundaries inward, shrinking the size of the territory.
Both Sudan’s northern-based government and the semi-autonomous south say they believe the court's decision is fair. Both sides had claimed the Abyei region and its oil wealth. The Abyei region boundaries had been drawn under at 2005 peace deal that ended Sudan’s 21-year north-south civil war. Under the 2005 deal, most of the oil resources were located within southern Sudan. The U.N.'s special representative to Sudan, Ashraf Qazi, recently visited Abyei and met with officials from both parties. Paul Ndiho has more.
Monday, July 13, 2009
Africa: Late in the Day...
Africa: Late in the Day...
Mahmud Jega
13 July 2009
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Abuja — Addressing the Ghanaian Parliament in Accra during his much-heralded visit at the weekend, US President Barack Obama challenged the African people to shed tyranny, corruption and conflict in favor of peace. "Yes you can," he said, invoking his famous campaign exhortation.
Perhaps we can, but listening to the speech on Saturday, I thought that this man Obama arrived on the African scene a little bit late in the day. To talk about tyranny, corruption and conflict in Africa these days sounds a little quaint and out of date. To be frank, Obama came to Africa well past the heydays of African tyranny, corruption, conflict, sit-tightism, abduction and killing of opponents, long imprisonment and cold-blooded murder of sitting rulers, or even revolving-door rulership.
When Obama arrived at the weekend, the only really sit-tight rulers remaining in Africa include Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, since 1969; Angola's Eduardo Dos Santos [since 1979], Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe [1980], Egypt's Hosni Mubarak [1981], Cameroon's Paul Biya [1982] and Tunisia's Zine El-Abidine ibn Ali, since 1987.
Obama arrived just too late to meet Omar Bongo, who started ruling Gabon when Obama was 6 years old and was still ruling when Obama became US President. Obama didn't meet Gambia's Sir Dauda Jawara, Cote D'Ivoire's Felix Houphoet Boigny, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko, Sudan's Gafar el-Numeiry, Kenya's Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, or even the great English-speaker Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda of Malawi. He hasn't seen any African sit-tightism.
Nor has Obama seen any African corruption. He arrived here too late to see Jean-Bedel Bokassa's French ponies, or Ignatius Kutu Acheampong's fleet of cars for girlfriends, or Charles Taylor's bank of diamonds, or Houphoet-Boigny's magnificent Cathedral at Yamoussoukro, not to mention Mobutu Sese Seko's Gbadolite palace or his seven houses on the French Riviera. Maybe the CIA complained to Obama that in the 1980s, Mobutu embezzled the money it sent through him to the Angolan rebels. Which was very patriotic of Mobutu, because he saved many Angolan lives with that act.
Obama came too late to witness the African revolving-door rulership, such as in Chad, from N'garta Tombalbaye to Felix Malloum to Goukouni Waddeye to Hissene Habre, all within 8 years. Or in Sierra Leone, from President Saidu Momoh to Colonel Yahya Kanu to Captain Valentine Strasser to Brigadier Julius Maada Bio to Ahmed Tejjan Kabbah to Major Johnny Paul Koroma, all within five years. Or even in Burkina Faso, from General Abubakar Sangoule Lamizana to Col Saye Zarbo to Gen Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo to Capt Thomas Sankara to Capt Blaise Compaore, all within seven years.
Obama hasn't seen the biggest contemporary African tragedies, from the abduction and killing of Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1961 to the long jailing of OAU's first Secretary General Boubacar Diallo Telli, who was starved to death in a Guinea prison in 1977 to the 1965 killing of Morocco's Mehdi Ben Berka; the 1972 abduction of Ugandan Chief Justice Benedicto Kiwanuka, who was found with a six-inch nail in the skull; as well as the 1977 murder of Ugandan Archbishop Janani Luwum. Though Idi Amin's government said the Archbishop died in a car crash when he tried to overpower the army driver taking him to prison, his relatives found his body to be riddled with bullets when it was brought for funeral.
Look, this young American didn't see the cold-blooded killing of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa or of General Aguiyi-Ironsi in 1966, the street shooting of General Murtala Mohamed in 1976, the Cairo parade ground shooting of Anwar Sadat in 1981, or the summary execution of Liberia's William Tolbert, who was the incumbent OAU chairman, in 1980. Obama hasn't seen any African bloodshed, such as on Accra's beaches in 1979, when 3 former Heads of State were shot; or on Monrovia's beaches in 1980, when the entire Cabinet was executed; or even the one in Addis Ababa in 1974, when 60 VIPs were shot, including Crown Prince Asfa Wosen and the Prime Minister.
Obama asked Africa to try to end conflicts. The worst cases of conflict in Africa these days are Somalia, Darfur, eastern DR Congo, northern Uganda and uneasy peace in northern Kenya, Western Sahara, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda and Burundi. All that's child's play, because Obama arrived too late to witness the Congo civil wars of the 1960s and the 1990s; the epic civil wars of Liberia, Sierra Leone, Angola, southern Sudan, Eritrea, Biafra, or the bloody wars of independence in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea Bissau and Algeria. In all those conflicts, Obama's big country did not help matters, to put it very mildly.
Obama also spoke of ending African tyranny. Which one? There isn't a Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada anymore, nor is there any Emperor Jean-Bedel Ahmed Salim Bokassa. Africa doesn't have a Mengistu Haile Mariam anymore, who serially shot his bosses General Aman Andom in 1975 and Lt Col Teferi Bente in 1976, then shot his deputy Major Atnafu Abate in 1977.
Obama spoke about the "cruelty of history." Well, he wasn't in the White House in the heydays of Apartheid, Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence [UDI] or even Portuguese colonialism. He should please open old files to see how his State Department resolutely opposed sanctions against Apartheid, the CIA's hand in the death of Lumumba, Moise Tsombe and others, and it's propping up of Mobutu, Siad Barre, Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi.
The American President said in Accra that if Africa banishes tyranny and corruption, the US will give a helping hand. Will it? The biggest aid that the US lavishes in Africa is military aid to Egypt. This is not meant to strengthen Egypt, incidentally, but to neutralise it against its only real enemy, Israel.
Mr. Obama attracted many nods and cheers from the Ghanaian MPs when he said he has African blood in him. Is that right? His Kenyan blood must have been completely whitewashed by Kansas prairie blood. Even though Obama has the charisma of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, he clearly lacks the traits of ace Kenyan politicians such as Daniel arap Moi, Charles Mugabe Njonjo or Dr. Karanja. Where is Obama's true Kenyan political blood, when he hasn't arranged the killing of John McCain and Newt Gingrich the way Kenyan opposition leaders Tom Mboya and J.M. Kariuki were killed in 1969 and 1975?
In Ghana at the weekend, Obama went to see the Gate of No Return, from which millions of African slaves were shipped to the Americas over a 500 year period. He didn't however see the other ports through which all Ghana's cocoa and gold and similar products of back-breaking labour all over Africa departed and are still departing to the same places, with little to show for it, except a Debt Trap.
This man Reverend [or is it Shaikh] Obama is much liked all over Africa. However, his offer of aid was a bit too little and his sermon in Accra about African tyranny, corruption, conflict and cruelty came a little late in the day.
Mahmud Jega
13 July 2009
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Abuja — Addressing the Ghanaian Parliament in Accra during his much-heralded visit at the weekend, US President Barack Obama challenged the African people to shed tyranny, corruption and conflict in favor of peace. "Yes you can," he said, invoking his famous campaign exhortation.
Perhaps we can, but listening to the speech on Saturday, I thought that this man Obama arrived on the African scene a little bit late in the day. To talk about tyranny, corruption and conflict in Africa these days sounds a little quaint and out of date. To be frank, Obama came to Africa well past the heydays of African tyranny, corruption, conflict, sit-tightism, abduction and killing of opponents, long imprisonment and cold-blooded murder of sitting rulers, or even revolving-door rulership.
When Obama arrived at the weekend, the only really sit-tight rulers remaining in Africa include Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, since 1969; Angola's Eduardo Dos Santos [since 1979], Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe [1980], Egypt's Hosni Mubarak [1981], Cameroon's Paul Biya [1982] and Tunisia's Zine El-Abidine ibn Ali, since 1987.
Obama arrived just too late to meet Omar Bongo, who started ruling Gabon when Obama was 6 years old and was still ruling when Obama became US President. Obama didn't meet Gambia's Sir Dauda Jawara, Cote D'Ivoire's Felix Houphoet Boigny, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko, Sudan's Gafar el-Numeiry, Kenya's Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, or even the great English-speaker Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda of Malawi. He hasn't seen any African sit-tightism.
Nor has Obama seen any African corruption. He arrived here too late to see Jean-Bedel Bokassa's French ponies, or Ignatius Kutu Acheampong's fleet of cars for girlfriends, or Charles Taylor's bank of diamonds, or Houphoet-Boigny's magnificent Cathedral at Yamoussoukro, not to mention Mobutu Sese Seko's Gbadolite palace or his seven houses on the French Riviera. Maybe the CIA complained to Obama that in the 1980s, Mobutu embezzled the money it sent through him to the Angolan rebels. Which was very patriotic of Mobutu, because he saved many Angolan lives with that act.
Obama came too late to witness the African revolving-door rulership, such as in Chad, from N'garta Tombalbaye to Felix Malloum to Goukouni Waddeye to Hissene Habre, all within 8 years. Or in Sierra Leone, from President Saidu Momoh to Colonel Yahya Kanu to Captain Valentine Strasser to Brigadier Julius Maada Bio to Ahmed Tejjan Kabbah to Major Johnny Paul Koroma, all within five years. Or even in Burkina Faso, from General Abubakar Sangoule Lamizana to Col Saye Zarbo to Gen Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo to Capt Thomas Sankara to Capt Blaise Compaore, all within seven years.
Obama hasn't seen the biggest contemporary African tragedies, from the abduction and killing of Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1961 to the long jailing of OAU's first Secretary General Boubacar Diallo Telli, who was starved to death in a Guinea prison in 1977 to the 1965 killing of Morocco's Mehdi Ben Berka; the 1972 abduction of Ugandan Chief Justice Benedicto Kiwanuka, who was found with a six-inch nail in the skull; as well as the 1977 murder of Ugandan Archbishop Janani Luwum. Though Idi Amin's government said the Archbishop died in a car crash when he tried to overpower the army driver taking him to prison, his relatives found his body to be riddled with bullets when it was brought for funeral.
Look, this young American didn't see the cold-blooded killing of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa or of General Aguiyi-Ironsi in 1966, the street shooting of General Murtala Mohamed in 1976, the Cairo parade ground shooting of Anwar Sadat in 1981, or the summary execution of Liberia's William Tolbert, who was the incumbent OAU chairman, in 1980. Obama hasn't seen any African bloodshed, such as on Accra's beaches in 1979, when 3 former Heads of State were shot; or on Monrovia's beaches in 1980, when the entire Cabinet was executed; or even the one in Addis Ababa in 1974, when 60 VIPs were shot, including Crown Prince Asfa Wosen and the Prime Minister.
Obama asked Africa to try to end conflicts. The worst cases of conflict in Africa these days are Somalia, Darfur, eastern DR Congo, northern Uganda and uneasy peace in northern Kenya, Western Sahara, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda and Burundi. All that's child's play, because Obama arrived too late to witness the Congo civil wars of the 1960s and the 1990s; the epic civil wars of Liberia, Sierra Leone, Angola, southern Sudan, Eritrea, Biafra, or the bloody wars of independence in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea Bissau and Algeria. In all those conflicts, Obama's big country did not help matters, to put it very mildly.
Obama also spoke of ending African tyranny. Which one? There isn't a Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada anymore, nor is there any Emperor Jean-Bedel Ahmed Salim Bokassa. Africa doesn't have a Mengistu Haile Mariam anymore, who serially shot his bosses General Aman Andom in 1975 and Lt Col Teferi Bente in 1976, then shot his deputy Major Atnafu Abate in 1977.
Obama spoke about the "cruelty of history." Well, he wasn't in the White House in the heydays of Apartheid, Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence [UDI] or even Portuguese colonialism. He should please open old files to see how his State Department resolutely opposed sanctions against Apartheid, the CIA's hand in the death of Lumumba, Moise Tsombe and others, and it's propping up of Mobutu, Siad Barre, Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi.
The American President said in Accra that if Africa banishes tyranny and corruption, the US will give a helping hand. Will it? The biggest aid that the US lavishes in Africa is military aid to Egypt. This is not meant to strengthen Egypt, incidentally, but to neutralise it against its only real enemy, Israel.
Mr. Obama attracted many nods and cheers from the Ghanaian MPs when he said he has African blood in him. Is that right? His Kenyan blood must have been completely whitewashed by Kansas prairie blood. Even though Obama has the charisma of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, he clearly lacks the traits of ace Kenyan politicians such as Daniel arap Moi, Charles Mugabe Njonjo or Dr. Karanja. Where is Obama's true Kenyan political blood, when he hasn't arranged the killing of John McCain and Newt Gingrich the way Kenyan opposition leaders Tom Mboya and J.M. Kariuki were killed in 1969 and 1975?
In Ghana at the weekend, Obama went to see the Gate of No Return, from which millions of African slaves were shipped to the Americas over a 500 year period. He didn't however see the other ports through which all Ghana's cocoa and gold and similar products of back-breaking labour all over Africa departed and are still departing to the same places, with little to show for it, except a Debt Trap.
This man Reverend [or is it Shaikh] Obama is much liked all over Africa. However, his offer of aid was a bit too little and his sermon in Accra about African tyranny, corruption, conflict and cruelty came a little late in the day.
Remarks of President Barack Obama -- As Prepared for Delivery Accra, Ghana
Remarks of President Barack Obama -- As Prepared for Delivery
A New Moment of Promise
Accra, Ghana
July 11, 2009
Good morning. It is an honor for me to be in Accra, and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I’ve received, as are Michelle, Malia, and Sasha Obama. Ghana’s history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States.
I am speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia, for a Summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy, for a meeting of the world’s leading economies. And I have come here, to Ghana, for a simple reason: the 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well.
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America’s. Your health and security can contribute to the world’s. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world – as partners with America on behalf of the future that we want for all our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility, and that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
My grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya’s liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn’t simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade – it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at an extraordinary moment of promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father’s generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways. History was on the move.
But despite the progress that has been made – and there has been considerable progress in parts of Africa – we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya, which had a per capita economy larger than South Korea’s when I was born, have been badly outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. In many places, the hope of my father’s generation gave way to cynicism, even despair.
It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many.
Of course, we also know that is not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana’s economy has shown impressive rates of growth.
This progress may lack the drama of the 20th century’s liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of another nation, it is even more important to build one’s own.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana – and for Africa – as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of promise. Only this time, we have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you – the men and women in Ghana’s Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people – brimming with talent and energy and hope – who can claim the future that so many in my father’s generation never found.
To realize that promise, we must first recognize a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I have pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa’s interest and America’s. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of aid that helps people scrape by – it is whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I will focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy; opportunity; health; and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than holding elections – it’s also about what happens between them. Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.
In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success – strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples’ lives.
Time and again, Ghanaians have chosen Constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously, and victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we have seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three quarters of the country voted in the recent election – the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right.
Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans, and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hotlines, and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
As we provide this support, I have directed my Administration to give greater attention to corruption in our Human Rights report. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do.
This leads directly to our second area of partnership – supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base for prosperity. The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities – or on a single export – concentrates wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
In Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and infrastructure; when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we will put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That is why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers – not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it is no longer needed.
America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; and financial services that reach poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interest – for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, new markets will open for our own goods.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and conflict. All of us – particularly the developed world – have a responsibility to slow these trends – through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and bio-fuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coast to South Africa’s crops –Africa’s boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They’re about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to the market; or an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It’s about the dignity of work. It’s about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it is also critical to the third area that I will talk about – strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn’t kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives – often provided by donor nations – many African doctors and nurses understandably go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. This creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
Across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care – for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy. Because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience and our common interest. When a child dies of a preventable illness in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
That is why my Administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and eradicating polio. We will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won’t confront illnesses in isolation – we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness, and focus on the health of mothers and children.
As we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings – and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Now let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. We all have many identities – of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. All of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, Ghana is helping to point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon, and in your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational force to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there is genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems – they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response. That is why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance, and logistical support, and will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict, and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans – including so many recent immigrants – have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos; in Kigali and Kinshasa; in Harare and right here in Accra.
Fifty-two years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."
Now, that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it.
You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can. Because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you. As a partner. As a friend. Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though – it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts.
Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say that this was the time when the promise was realized – this was the moment when prosperity was forged; pain was overcome; and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Thank you.
A New Moment of Promise
Accra, Ghana
July 11, 2009
Good morning. It is an honor for me to be in Accra, and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I’ve received, as are Michelle, Malia, and Sasha Obama. Ghana’s history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States.
I am speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia, for a Summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy, for a meeting of the world’s leading economies. And I have come here, to Ghana, for a simple reason: the 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well.
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America’s. Your health and security can contribute to the world’s. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world – as partners with America on behalf of the future that we want for all our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility, and that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
My grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya’s liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn’t simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade – it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at an extraordinary moment of promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father’s generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways. History was on the move.
But despite the progress that has been made – and there has been considerable progress in parts of Africa – we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya, which had a per capita economy larger than South Korea’s when I was born, have been badly outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. In many places, the hope of my father’s generation gave way to cynicism, even despair.
It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many.
Of course, we also know that is not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana’s economy has shown impressive rates of growth.
This progress may lack the drama of the 20th century’s liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of another nation, it is even more important to build one’s own.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana – and for Africa – as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of promise. Only this time, we have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you – the men and women in Ghana’s Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people – brimming with talent and energy and hope – who can claim the future that so many in my father’s generation never found.
To realize that promise, we must first recognize a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I have pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa’s interest and America’s. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of aid that helps people scrape by – it is whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I will focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy; opportunity; health; and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than holding elections – it’s also about what happens between them. Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.
In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success – strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples’ lives.
Time and again, Ghanaians have chosen Constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously, and victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we have seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three quarters of the country voted in the recent election – the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right.
Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans, and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hotlines, and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
As we provide this support, I have directed my Administration to give greater attention to corruption in our Human Rights report. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do.
This leads directly to our second area of partnership – supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base for prosperity. The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities – or on a single export – concentrates wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
In Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and infrastructure; when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we will put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That is why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers – not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it is no longer needed.
America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; and financial services that reach poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interest – for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, new markets will open for our own goods.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and conflict. All of us – particularly the developed world – have a responsibility to slow these trends – through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and bio-fuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coast to South Africa’s crops –Africa’s boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They’re about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to the market; or an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It’s about the dignity of work. It’s about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it is also critical to the third area that I will talk about – strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn’t kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives – often provided by donor nations – many African doctors and nurses understandably go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. This creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
Across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care – for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy. Because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience and our common interest. When a child dies of a preventable illness in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
That is why my Administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and eradicating polio. We will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won’t confront illnesses in isolation – we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness, and focus on the health of mothers and children.
As we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings – and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Now let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. We all have many identities – of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. All of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, Ghana is helping to point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon, and in your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational force to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there is genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems – they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response. That is why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance, and logistical support, and will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict, and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans – including so many recent immigrants – have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos; in Kigali and Kinshasa; in Harare and right here in Accra.
Fifty-two years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."
Now, that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it.
You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can. Because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you. As a partner. As a friend. Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though – it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts.
Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say that this was the time when the promise was realized – this was the moment when prosperity was forged; pain was overcome; and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Thank you.
Thursday, July 9, 2009
Sudan Makes a Plane!
Sudan's government has unveiled its first locally manufactured aircraft -- a two-seater, single engine propeller planed that runs on car fuel. Paul Ndiho has more
Ghanaian reggae star to perform for 'brother' Obama.
Jumping up and down to a catchy tune is not an unusual past time for 35-year-old Ghanaian musician and radio DJ Abubakar Ahmed, known in the showbiz circles of Accra as 'Blakk Rasta'.
But this is not just any catchy tune, it's the first song recorded in Africa in support of U.S. President Barack Obama. It was recorded during the U.S. election campaign last year and it was made by a reggae musician in Ghana.Here is more
But this is not just any catchy tune, it's the first song recorded in Africa in support of U.S. President Barack Obama. It was recorded during the U.S. election campaign last year and it was made by a reggae musician in Ghana.Here is more
Sunday, June 28, 2009
Drug Trafficking in West Africa
West Africa has emerged as a crucial transit point in the trafficking of drugs from South America to Europe. VOA'S Paul Ndiho has more on this growing threat to the region's stability and security.
Monday, June 22, 2009
Zambia-Zimbabwe Trade Corridor
A new border crossing between Zambia and Zimbabwe is part of a plan to open up a trade corridor linking southern African countries with nations in the north. VOA'S Paul Ndiho has more.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
The Legacy of Africa's Longest Serving Leaders
Despite the rise of democracies in parts of Africa, some African leaders have clung to power for decades. VOA'S Paul Ndiho has more.
Friday, June 5, 2009
A sudanese presenter takes over the air waves
A Sudanese radio presenter's topical program "Sudan Tonight" has taken over the air waves and her huge following in Southern Sudan has made her a household name. Paul Ndiho recently talked to the star and has more.
Thursday, June 4, 2009
The Yacht Show at the National Harbor
Are your dreams of owning a luxury yacht or spending hours on the water far away? Maybe not because even if you are not buying just yet, an afternoon or a weekend at The National Harbor can provide a satisfying window into the lifestyle of the elite. VOA'S Paul Ndiho had an exclusive tour of the yacht show featuring some the world's finest premium brands and has more.
Tuesday, May 26, 2009
New Facelift for Kigali
Major new construction projects are underway in Kigali. Paul Ndiho tells us what's going on in Rwanda's capital.
IVORY COAST- New Power Generators in Abidjan
Ivory Coast is seeking to meet a growing need for electricity by building a new thermal electric power generator in Abidjan. Paul Ndiho has more on the story
Tuesday, May 12, 2009
Kenyan Organic Farmers
A small but growing number of African farmers are trying to tap into the world market for organic foods. And in Kenya, those farmers include a group of seveal young men who are growing organic vegetable in the midst of the country's largest slum. Paul Ndiho has more
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